FRI REPORT: LAB: UW, state agencies not tracking millions in DEI costs

Quotes of the Week

By prioritizing low-carbon-emitting nuclear energy as a strategy in energy generation, we will help position Wisconsin to meet the increased electricity demands of today and lay the groundwork Wisconsin needs to be able to attract large electricity technology companies looking to locate their operations in Wisconsin.
– Chair of the Assembly Energy and Utilities Committee David Steffen, R-Howard, on the new Wisconsin Energy Reform Act, a newer version of the Right of First Refusal bill with new provisions that include addressing farmland preservation and nuclear energy. 

ROFR is back from the dead, now wonderfully rebranded as the 2025 Wisconsin Energy Reform Act or WERA. As in, WERAgainst the Constitution and the ratepayers. True conservatives say: WERA still not buying it.
– Rep. Lindee Brill, R-Sheboygan Falls, on the new version of ROFR. 

This bill strikes a balance, an important balance, in preserving a strong safety net for the most vulnerable residents while curbing inappropriate long-term reliance on public assistance. This bill is a pragmatic and common-sense reform that prioritizes accountability without losing compassion.
– Rep. William Penterman, R-Hustisford, at a hearing on a bill that would require the Department of Health Services to increase the rate of Medicaid eligibility checks from every year to every six months. 

Why should we have to continue to go through the process every year, let alone every six months, for something that is never going to change?
– Brett Maki, who is in a wheelchair and relies on Medicaid for care for his cerebral palsy, testifying at the hearing.  

Political Stock Report

-A collection of insider opinion-
(April. 5-11, 2025)

Rising

Ben Wikler: Insiders put him among the most consequential state party chairs in Wisconsin history. Maybe one of the most consequential in the country. But insiders debate how easily he can translate that into a bid for public office, while Dems wonder how they’ll keep up the fundraising machine he built and Republicans are just relieved he’ll soon be gone. First elected state party in 2019, insiders figured he was unlikely to seek another two-year term leading WisDems after he made a failed bid for head of the DNC. Wikler made it official this week when he announced it’s time to pass the torch after Susan Crawford’s victory in the spring state Supreme Court race cemented liberals’ majority until at least 2028. As Wikler collects his accolades from the party faithful, insiders take stock of his record as chair. Yes, there’s the 10 wins in the past 13 statewide races. But that streak started for Dems even before Wikler. Take away the 2017 state Supreme Court race, which wasn’t contested, and Dems or liberals have won 15 of the past 19 statewide races since Donald Trump took office. The money machine he’s created, however, is unparalleled in Wisconsin political party history. WisDems say he’s raised $206 million since taking office in early June 2019 through the party’s state and federal accounts. Wikler didn’t do that all alone. Insiders note having the guv’s office makes raising money infinitely easier for a state party, and Tony Evers has been a willing partner. There’s also Wisconsin’s perpetual status as a swing state. And a revamp of state campaign finance laws a decade ago that Wikler not only embraced, but perfected. But even with that, Wikler’s success as a fundraiser has no peer in Wisconsin politics. With parties able to take unlimited contributions from donors and then make transfers with no caps to candidates, the Dem Party has been an invaluable partner for candidates like Crawford and Evers in their wins. The party has also poured money into the Dem legislative caucuses. Those millions first helped hold the line under GOP-drawn maps to protect the guv’s veto power by denying Republicans two-thirds majorities in both houses and now have them in position under new lines to have a shot at taking over both chambers next fall. Wikler has also ushered in the era of the big donor for Dems in ways Republicans can only dream about — no matter how much they complain about it. Since Wikler took office, LinkedIn founder Reid Hoffman has contributed $14.7 million to the state Dem Party, according to a WisPolitics check of campaign finance reports. Illinois Gov. J.B. Pritzker has donated $8 million, while physician and philanthropist Karla Jurvetson has eclipsed $7.3 million and Dem megadonor George Soros has handed over $6.5 million. But it’s not just the billionaires pumping money into the party. Wikler has done a pretty decent job with the millionaires, too. A check of the state’s campaign finance database turned up 101 donations from individuals of $250,000 or more since Wikler took office. There were just three in the six years before that. Comparisons of the two eras are difficult with the GOP rewrite of campaign finance laws kicking in a decade ago, though court rulings ahead of that had stripped away the previous restrictions that acted as de facto limits on political parties. Still, Wikler embraced the GOP playbook in ways no one before him had. And it wasn’t just calling up fat cats for checks. During 2020 with COVID-19 restrictions making traditional in-person fundraisers a tough sell, the state party won kudos for creativity with a virtual reading of “The Princess Bride” featuring many of the original actors from the movie. That wasn’t the only slice of Hollywood that Wikler brought to Wisconsin; director Steven Spielberg and his wife, actress Kate Capshaw, have each donated $240,000 to the party since 2020. Republicans have regularly bemoaned the out-of-state money pouring into Wisconsin races, though insiders have been quick to point out they’d be just fine if the checks had been going into their coffers. But who can keep those checks rolling in? Former Executive Director Devin Remiker jumps in the race shortly after Wikler’s decision is official, promising to build on what the outgoing chair has built. Glendale Mayor Bryan Kennedy formally announces his bid today, while 3rd CD Chair William Garcia says he’s 90% sure he’ll officially get in after taking the weekend to think about it. And operative Joe Zepecki is taking the next week to see if people are ready to “shake things up.” Dem insiders mention others to keep an eye on, such as Milwaukee County Supv. Felesia Martin, who served as first vice-chair with Wikler. And Angela Lang, the executive director of BLOC, tells WisPolitics she’s considering a run. Lang said in an interview she was first encouraged to consider a bid earlier this year if Wikler won the DNC chair race and left the post. Now, the conversations are happening again, though her “heart is with BLOC,” Black Leaders Organizing for Communities. “As more people continue to talk and make the case, I think it’s worth it for me to think about,” she said. Republicans look over the list of early contenders and say they’re not exactly sweating bullets. None at first glance appears to have the same Rolodex that Wikler brought to the office after his time with MoveOn.org before taking over as state chair. While that may be true, Dems say it would be folly to assume the party’s fundraising is going to drop off a cliff once Wikler walks out the door. It’s still Wisconsin, the most purple of the purple states. The stakes aren’t going to get any lower in coming races, and those donors understand the importance of Wisconsin even after Wikler has handed over the gavel. While Wikler’s predecessor will likely face challenges in matching his performance, he’s likely to face some hurdles in turning his run as state chair into a platform for public office, some say. Sure, Herb Kohl served as state party chair before his first successful run for U.S. Senate in 1988. But his time in the party office ended a decade before his Senate run. His real positives – his last name was on dozens of stores across the state, he bought the Milwaukee Bucks in 1985 to prevent them from leaving Wisconsin, and he was a billionaire. That’s a rare combination. Meanwhile, insiders note while Wikler has a donor list that anyone would envy, it can be different calling to raise money for yourself rather than the team. There’s also the question of what office might be a fit for Wikler. Evers hasn’t announced whether he’ll seek a third term in 2026, and Wikler says he’s rooting for the guv to go for it again. But if he didn’t, there’d be a long line of Dems lining up for the race who have also raised money and — unlike Wikler — won public office. Still, after his successful run as state chair is over, insiders will be watching to see where Wikler could fit with a run for public office.

Bryan Steil: There’s no scenario in which Dems write off a challenge to the Janesville Republican in 2026, not with as chaotic a political environment the country is in right now. But Dems will have to find a top-notch candidate before anyone takes the race seriously. Steil has easily won his southeastern Wisconsin seat in good years (by 10 points in 2024) and tough ones (by 9 points in 2022). He’s got the best warchest in the delegation, with $2.2 million in the bank at the close of 2024. And he’s shown no signs of taking his district for granted. That’s usually a pretty solid combination. That helps explain why the first “Crystal Ball” rankings from the University of Virginia’s Center for Politics lists Steil’s seat as “likely Republican.” U.S. Rep. Derrick Van Orden’s western Wisconsin 3rd CD, meanwhile, is one of 19 tossups on the list, and the authors group the Prairie du Chien Republican with two other GOP incumbents who ran behind Trump last fall as he won their districts by at least 5 points. Steil, however, regularly runs ahead of the top of the ticket, whether Dems put in a half-hearted effort against him or not one at all. Dem groups like Opportunity Wisconsin sought to soften Steil up ahead of the 2024 election, just in case things turned in their favor. Insiders also saw the added benefit to trying to keep Steil’s favorables in check, just in case he decides to make a statewide run some day. But former Revenue Secretary Peter Barca, who represented the 1st CD 30 years ago, got in late and his campaign never really took off, strategists say. No one has emerged just yet to take on Steil in 2026, and some Republicans doubt whomever Dems find will strike much fear in their hearts. Still, you can’t ignore that liberal Supreme Court candidate Susan Crawford won the 1st CD last week with turnout approaching midterm elections of the past, even if some caution against trying to take a spring 2025 election and reading anything about the environment that will shape the race in November 2026. 

Mixed

Rebecca Bradley: The power of incumbency made Wisconsin Supreme Court justices all but bulletproof for some five decades. But conservatives now face an uphill battle with the spring electorate in Wisconsin, plus real questions about what financial backing Republicans will bring to the table in 2026 after going all-in on 2025. At the same time, liberals don’t currently have a candidate to take on Bradley who fits the mold of what’s worked for them recently — though insiders debate how much that matters these days. On the heels of Susan Crawford securing a liberal majority on the Supreme Court through at least 2028, Bradley tells WisPolitics that she plans to seek reelection in 2026 and will take the coming weeks to figure out “a path to achieving a court that is not led by and dominated by the radical left, that gets back to deciding cases under the law and respecting the constitution.” The first piece of that puzzle, insiders note, is money, and both sides dumped a ton of it into the last two state Supreme Court races. First it was $56 million as liberals flipped control of the court in 2023. Then it was $109 million — and counting with the final bills yet to come in — this spring as liberals defended that majority. While Republicans bemoaned their lack of resources two years ago, that wasn’t the case this spring. The WisPolitics tally found conservative Brad Schimel and those backing him dropped $59 million on the race to $50 million on the pro-Crawford side when factoring in ad buys and independent expenditures such as doors and mail. Still, insiders note Crawford had an advantage on the airwaves in the closing weeks because Dems simply spent their money more efficiently, with donors either giving directly to the candidate or to the state party with the money then transferred over. Candidates get better rates on broadcast TV, meaning Crawford’s dollars went further than those spent by the conservative coalition on the airwaves to help Schimel. Conservatives hint they need to figure out a new playbook if they want to avoid that dynamic once again. Looking to next spring, there are a host of money questions. One, the 2026 race won’t be about who controls the court, but whether conservatives can keep alive a path to the majority by defending seats next year and in 2027. It’s hard to see groups doing another nine-figure race when those are the stakes, insiders say. Two, will national conservative interests pitch in next year the way they did in 2025? Elon Musk hadn’t shown any interest in Wisconsin politics prior to last fall’s presidential race. Then he and his PACs poured $25 million into the Supreme Court race to back Schimel. Will he care to open the checkbook again next spring? Even if he doesn’t, insiders expect well-heeled conservatives who run in legal circles to go to bat for Bradley, a favorite among the Federalist Society crowd. But will they write big checks just to have her keep writing dissents? The counter, some say, is conservatives are already in a 4-3 hole. They can’t afford being in a 5-2 minority with a possibly tough race in 2027 before trying to claw their way back. What about Dems? There’s been chatter that conservative Annette Ziegler won’t seek a third 10-year term on the court in 2027. She’s about to lose her title as chief justice after liberals tapped Ann Walsh Bradley to succeed her temporarily before the gavel goes to Jill Karofsky, and tensions on the court have made it a challenging environment. Will Dems go all in on Bradley in 2026 or hold their fire for the shot at an open seat in 2027? Since 1967, only two incumbent justices have lost a race — liberal Louis Butler in 2008 and conservative Daniel Kelly in 2020 — and an open seat for any office is generally easier sledding. But Dems are quick to point out Bradley is the justice who most gets under their skin with her fiery dissents. Fat chance donors pass up a chance to take her on, they say. But will liberals have the right candidate to challenge Bradley? The winning combination lately has been a female candidate who’s already a judge and has prosecutorial experience. The latter, insiders note, has allowed the likes of Rebecca Dallet, Karofsky, Janet Protasiewicz and Crawford to not just take a punch on crime, but to throw one. So far, 1st District Appeals Court Judge Pedro Colón and 4th District Court of Appeals Judge Chris Taylor have been the most open in talking up a possible run next spring. Neither has ever been a prosecutor, while both have lengthy records from the state Legislature that opponents can pore over. If conservatives are smart, some say, they’re already going over old videos of floor debates looking for inflammatory comments either made that could be used in TV ads. Others, though, aren’t sure the mold is what drove those liberal victories. You can’t ignore the flaws of the conservative candidates who ran in those races — and lost by double digits. And it’s not like conservatives would take a pass in 2026 on labeling the liberal candidate as soft on crime even if they had a lengthy record as a prosecutor. Plus, some point out the spring electorate in Wisconsin has a definite Dem tilt. The early goings of Donald Trump’s second term helped energize the Dem base to turn out April 1, and that was before the president ramped up his tariffs, causing chaos with the markets. A similar environment in early 2026 would likely be a boost to whomever liberals put up as a candidate. Meanwhile, some remain unconvinced that Bradley will be the conservative candidate come next spring. After Diane Sykes announced plans to move to senior status come October, speculation began that Bradley would be an attractive candidate for Trump to nominate as a replacement. Asked about the opening, Bradley tells WisPolitics she’s “focused on fighting for the people of Wisconsin right now.” That’s not a no, some point out. But if she is interested, could the president and the Senate time a nomination and confirmation to install Bradley on the Chicago-based court in time to get someone else to turn in nomination papers to run next spring? That’s a lot of things to cram into a small window, prompting some to wonder whether the administration could pull it off, if Bradley is interested in the gig.  

ROFR: The push to give existing utilities the first shot at building new transmission lines has entered the Christmas tree phase. And insiders just aren’t seeing how the new bill from Assembly Republicans gets them to 50 votes out of the GOP caucus. They’re also not seeing much movement from the GOP holdouts in the Senate. It leads some to wonder what the point of the new bill is, especially with provisions that some believe could turn off the Dem lawmakers backers are likely to need if they can ever get the legislation close to the finish line. With the right of first refusal bill spinning its wheels, some started to proclaim the legislation dead. But with Senate Majority Leader Devin LeMahieu and Assembly Speaker Robin Vos leading the push on the bill, some viewed reports of its death as overly premature. Right on cue, Assembly Republicans unveil the Wisconsin Energy Reform Act, which strikes insiders as ROFR 2.0. Along with the provisions giving utilities with existing transmission infrastructure first crack at building new lines, the bill adds a host of other items. And each seems tailored to win over someone who previously was a no. Like state Rep. Travis Tranel. The Cuba City Republican was sharply critical of the bill during a joint public hearing last month. But he praises the Wisconsin Energy Reform Act for the new farmland preservation provisions, and Assembly Republicans said he “spearheaded” the effort to include them. Those provisions would require  owners of large wind or solar projects along with battery storage systems purchase conservation easements if they use “prime farmland.” Those easements prohibit the land from being developed in any way that would make it unsuitable for agricultural use. They also, insiders say, would make renewable projects more expensive. But that might be part of the point. Some rural communities have chafed at the development of wind and solar projects, especially when they take up prime farmland. If nothing else, this could move those developments to less desirable land. And if it just so happens to make it more difficult — and expensive — to create new wind and solar projects, so be it. The easier it would be to push the state toward more nuclear energy. And the bill touches on that effort as well with language that would declare nuclear energy is a high-priority option, second only to efficiency and conservation, to be considered in meeting the state’s power demands. While designed to bring in more GOP votes, some wonder if such changes could be poison pills for Dems, whose support would likely be needed for final passage of the bill. The guv has indicated his openness to exploring nuclear as part of the state’s power generation mix, for example. But some have a hard time seeing him sign off on added costs for renewable projects in the process. That also hints at one issue insiders see with the revised bill. If the changes guaranteed Republicans 50 GOP votes in the Assembly and 17 in the Senate, that would be one thing. But it doesn’t look like backers are getting anywhere close to those numbers just yet. So why make changes that get you a handful of Republicans, but might lose just as many Dems? Underscoring that backers aren’t close to 50 GOP votes in the Assembly, 11 Republican members sign onto a letter to the U.S. Department of Justice asking the agency to weigh in on the new draft and whether it aligns with President Donald Trump’s “Unleashing American Energy” policies. They add “time is of the essence in our review of the impact of the adoption of such legislation.” And time is of the essence in more ways than one. The network overseeing the regional grid has already sent out requests for bids on nearly $1.8 billion of work in Wisconsin with bids due back this summer. As that approaches, insiders are trying to piece together the end game in this latest move to repackage ROFR. Vos has been adamant that the Senate will go first on the bill after his house passed it last session only to see it die in the other chamber. Yet it’s his caucus members proposing a new bill to advance the debate. It’s also a new bill with no Senate co-sponsor, which is typically a red flag for insiders on whether legislation has a shot to get through both houses. So is it just a move to put the hold up at LeMahieu’s feet? What’s more, the new ornaments added to the bill would likely add costs to the projects, a bit of an odd change to make considering the price tag for the coming transmission lines is one of the key pieces of the debate. The sausage making is rarely pretty, insiders note. Still, they note it can be particularly unpleasant when you’re trying to patch over major differences in your caucus that threaten the viability of legislation that’s a major priority for leadership.   

Falling 

Michael Gableman: Getting hired to perform a review of the 2020 election offered the former  justice a way out of the political purgatory he found himself in after leaving the Supreme Court. But he went off the rails, got fired by Assembly Speaker Robin Vos, alienated a whole bunch of people, and is now headed back to a political and legal Siberia — perhaps for good. Facing a 75-page complaint that accused him of 10 ethical violations, Gableman and the Office of Lawyer Regulation reached a proposed deal that would resolve the case with a three-year suspension of his law license. Looking over the filings in the case to date, insiders conclude Gableman finally realized he had no better option. He’s previously raised concerns about the legal costs he could incur while sitting for a deposition that the Office of Lawyer Regulation wanted. His attorney has suggested the possibility of criminal charges. And insiders didn’t see a point in Gableman dragging this out any longer. That’s particularly true with a public hearing that had been scheduled for June in Milwaukee. That would’ve been a circus with a parade of people testifying on how he’s wronged them. Past filings detailed how Gableman had sought what essentially amounted to a plea bargain in the case, seeking to have some counts dismissed in exchange for him accepting a proposed penalty. But legal observers say that’s not how OLR operates, and the proposed deal notes the agreement isn’t the result of plea bargaining, but “Gableman’s voluntary decision not to further contest this matter.” It’s akin to a no contest plea in a criminal case as Gableman stipulates he can’t successfully defend himself against the allegations and agreed there is a factual basis to find a violation in each of the 10 counts. The stipulation still needs to go before the referee who’s overseeing the case, and OLR has until April 25 to file a report outlining why the three-year suspension is appropriate. Then it will be ultimately up to the state Supreme Court to hand down a final verdict. Some wonder if the timing of Gableman’s stipulation has anything to do with the results of last week’s race. With Susan Crawford winning the open seat, it cements a liberal majority through at least 2028, and possibly lessens the chances that Gableman could get a sympathetic audience with the court. Some Gableman critics think he’s getting off easy considering the trouble he caused. Vos, for one, hoped that Gableman would be disbarred and never practice law again. That’s a rarity, though, especially for a first-time offender. Over the past year, those who have had their licenses revoked include a lawyer who pleaded guilty in federal court to wire fraud after she misappropriated more than $1 million from an estate for which she was the sole trustee and another who threatened to sue his client’s relatives unless the woman waived her attorney-client privilege so he could write a tell-all book about a murder trial. Even those who do lose their law license have the chance to seek reinstatement after five years, and the OLR complaint notes Gableman has no discipline record with the agency. Not that Gableman is likely to have many options for legal work once the case is over. Along with wanting to see him disbarred, Vos took a dig at Gableman on WISN-TV’s “UpFront” that he hoped the former justice “goes back to work at Home Depot where he was working prior to working for us.” News of the proposed settlement prompts a series of digs at Gableman with Dem Wisconsin Elections Commission Chair Ann Jacobs posting on X “Home Depot shoppers can rest easy knowing he will be back to work.” All digs aside, insiders note how badly Gableman wasted his second chance in Wisconsin politics. When he left the court in 2018, there was talk Gableman passed up a reelection bid because he was in line for a big appointment to the first Trump administration. But nothing came of that, and he faded from view. If nothing else, the job Vos tossed to Gableman was a chance for a good paycheck. The original contract from June 2021 called for paying him $11,000 a month for four months. A month later, Gableman and the Republican speaker from Rochester signed an amended contract that included a $676,000 budget to cover expenses through Dec. 31 of that year. Then came another amendment that reduced his salary to $5,500 a month. By that point, Gableman had already created problems by suggesting the Assembly should vote to overturn the 2020 election results — something that legal experts said wasn’t possible under the law and a suggestion he failed to run by Vos before including it in a report his office released. That’s not the only way Gableman clashed with the speaker; one count in the complaint accuses the former justice of signing the contract with Vos under false pretenses. The original charge called for a report that would be forward looking with recommendations on changes the Legislature could consider to state election laws rather than supporting efforts to overturn the 2020 election results. The complaint cites testimony Gableman gave in a September 2023 California State Bar Court disciplinary hearing against Trump attorney John Eastman in which the former justice testified he didn’t consider the objectives and terms of the original contract as “serious” and planned to use public pressure to persuade Vos to provide more time and resources for the probe. So far, Gableman’s misadventures have cost taxpayers at least $2.3 million for his review, including more than $1.8 million for outside lawyers to litigate various proceedings that emerged from his efforts. That, though, doesn’t include the $441,345 that has been awarded to American Oversight attorneys in their successful open records suits against Gableman’s former office. The immediate future doesn’t look very promising for Gableman with a three-year suspension of his law license, insiders add.  Still, some question whether he was making much use of that license anyway since the debacle that was his review of the 2020 election. Maybe he figured that was a small price to pay to make the case go away. Some saw Gableman’s conduct during the election review and his subsequent backing of Vos’ 2022 primary challenger as a way to curry favor with Trump, and they wonder if there’s a landing spot for him somewhere in the administration. Others believe this has made him just too toxic even for the president.

Mark Green: The DOGE sweep through the federal government pushes the former GOP Wisconsin congressman out the door of the Wilson Center. He had been the head of the think tank for the past four years. Following his unsuccessful run for guv in 2006, Green became the ambassador to Tanzania for President George W. Bush before several stops ahead of him landing as the USAID administrator during the first administration of Donald Trump. He later got the gig as president and CEO of the Wilson Center, a congressionally chartered think tank that provides analysis to policymakers and stakeholders about global developments that bills itself as “fiercely nonpartisan.” The New York Times reported that DOGE team members visited the center as part of Trump’s directive to reduce it to the minimum “presence and function required by the law.” The paper also cites a person familiar with the situation who says Green was given a choice to step down or be fired. Green has kept a low profile since his departure and didn’t respond to the Times. His LinkedIn page notes his run at the Wilson Center ended this month. Otherwise, he hasn’t publicly noted his departure. Someone smart in Washington, D.C., will pick up the former congressman, who turns 65 in June, insiders say.

LAB: UW, state agencies not tracking millions in DEI costs

Neither state agencies nor the Universities of Wisconsin track how much they spend on diversity, equity and inclusion efforts, according to Legislative Audit Bureau reports released today, estimating costs to be in the millions.

But UW President Jay Rothman called the numbers released today “old and cold,” saying they don’t reflect progress the university has made on a deal it struck with Assembly Speaker Robin Vos, R-Rochester, to reduce DEI positions and repurpose them.

Meanwhile, Department of Administration Secretary Kathy Blumenfeld questioned LAB’s methodology, suggesting auditors overestimated the costs borne by state agencies.

The GOP-authored audit is expected to play a role in the budget Republican lawmakers produce later this year with Vos previously vowing to use the results as the foundation for GOP efforts to root out the programs within state agencies.

Joint Audit Committee Co-chair Sen. Eric Wimberger, R-Oconto, today said the reviews show “the extent to which DEI grifters profiteer off Wisconsin taxpayers.” 

“Wisconsin should not tolerate, much less propagate, race-based discrimination masquerading as equality in its halls of government,” Wimberger said. “This report shows that taxpayers spent millions of dollars on DEI with very little to show for it. Thanks to these findings, we can now more clearly identify wasteful and abusive spending by our agencies, and end it for good.”

Vos last session set his sights on targeting DEI positions and held up raises for UW employees until a deal was struck with university leaders to curtail the positions and reassign some of them in exchange for financial priorities for the system.

Today’s review of UW DEI positions covered by that 2023 deal shows the number of those jobs in the system declined overall last year. 

Still, the UW audit identified dozens of other positions that weren’t subject to the agreement and had at least some DEI-related duties, putting the overall number of positions at 167.8 as of May. That’s higher than the 123.3 filled positions of 144.6 total as of December 2023 when the deal was approved. 

The audit also found UW spent: $40.2 million on offices with job duties related to DEI; an estimated $12.5 million in staffing costs for positions with job duties tied to DEI; and an estimated $7.9 million to work on DEI-related activities. The amounts can’t be added together because certain costs overlap, according to LAB. 

Universities of Wisconsin President Jay Rothman said “yesterday’s numbers do not reflect today’s realities” and the system has “exceeded” the terms of the deal. 

Rothman added the system currently has 64.5 DEI-related positions, 43.35 of which are funded with $4.4 million in general purpose revenue. 

“We would be disappointed if legislative leadership targeted these 64 DEI positions and the $4.4 million in state funding that provides important services for students,” Rothman said. “Our universities serve over 164,000 students and communities throughout Wisconsin. The success of each and every one of those students is job one, and how we best serve these students has and will continue to evolve.” 

Rothman noted the programs and activities identified in the audit are “very broad,” and pointed to the overlapping costs related to DEI. He said the findings include programs designed for veterans, free speech activities, mental health counseling and students with disabilities. 

Madison, the system’s flagship campus, had the most DEI positions of all universities at 49.1, a 12% decrease from the 55.8 in December 2023. 

Vos knocked the university over the audit’s conclusions, saying it continues to spend nearly six times the amount of salary for DEI positions compared to all state agencies. 

“The goal of our university system should be rewarding the best and brightest and preparing students for the workforce, not giving preferential treatment to students based on gender, race, or sexual orientation,” Vos said. “Student achievement should be based on merit. Assembly Republicans will continue to push for the elimination of DEI in upcoming budget discussions.”

State Auditor Joe Chrisman in a letter to Republican Joint Audit Committee chairs noted neither the Board of Regents nor UW administration required a specific definition for DEI, leading LAB to identify specific activities based on how each university used DEI. 

UW’s deal with the GOP-run Legislature required universities to freeze DEI positions, “realign” at least 43 positions to focus on academic and student success, not renew UW-Madison’s Target of Opportunity program and to eliminate diversity statements in admissions. In exchange, the Legislature approved $32 million for universities, employee pay raises and several construction projects. 

The audit states the 123.3 positions subject to the December 2023 deal were at 110.9 by May of last year. The audit identified an additional 56.9 positions existed at the time that weren’t subject to the agreement, but had at least some duties related to DEI. 

LAB’s review of state agencies found: 12 agencies spent an estimated $2.2 million in salary for 47 positions with DEI job duties; eight agencies spent $444,300 on actions listed in their action plans; and 23 agencies spent an estimated $200,200 in salary for time spent attending DEI committee meetings. LAB said those costs can’t be simply added together because of some overlap.

The review focused on DEI action plans completed at 21 agencies between January 2020 and April 2024 following an executive order Dem Gov. Tony Evers signed in 2019 that required  agencies to build a culture committed to equity and inclusion. That included addressing whether agency policies contributed to an underrepresentation of certain groups of individuals.

Blumenfeld in her response took issue with LAB’s conclusions. For example, she argued some of the work reviewed by the agency predated the Evers administration and is required by state law going back to the 1990s. She argued it is “difficult, if not impossible, to identify salary costs associated with” the guv’s executive order. She also argued many of LAB’s conclusions lacked important context.

“In conclusion, many of the costs identified in LAB’s assessment are related to implementing statutorily required programs, human resources best practices, risk management, and worker recruitment and retention efforts as one of Wisconsin’s largest employers,” she wrote. “We therefore caution readers from gleaning takeaways or drawing conclusions from the Report about actual costs without understanding the state and federal laws with which we are required to comply, the state of Wisconsin’s role as a competitive employer, and the foundational work preceding this administration upon which EO 59 built.”

Evers proposal aims to help boost affordable housing through zoning changes

UW–Madison Urban Planning Professor Kurt Paulsen said Gov. Tony Evers’ budget proposal to provide incentives to local governments for zoning changes would be an effective tool to bring more affordable housing to the state. 

But the chair of the Assembly Local Government Committee, Todd Novak, argued zoning incentives would not make a difference in supporting affordable housing. 

“I firmly believe zoning isn’t the issue,” the former Dodgeville mayor said. 

However, another Republican working on housing, Assembly Committee on Housing and Real Estate Chair Rob Brooks, R-Saukville, said “everybody thinks we need to address’’ zoning but said he would like some changes to the governor’s current proposal. 

The governor’s proposal would provide $20 million for a pilot program that would provide grants to local municipalities if they enact zoning changes to build more affordable housing. 

The changes Evers recommended include reducing minimum lot sizes and setback requirements for existing lots and adopting a neighborhood development ordinance: a set of regulations for a city guiding development, land use and subdivision. 

While Evers argued that the pilot program will help the housing crisis, Novak, R-Dodgeville, contended it isn’t what municipalities need. But both he and Brooks said lawmakers plan to have further discussions about housing investment this session. 

Addressing affordable housing 

The governor justified the proposal in a statement to WisPolitics saying it is important to invest in affordable housing, based on what he has heard from Wisconsin residents. 

“I am proud that our budget builds upon our efforts to expand access to affordable housing over the past six years by making sure local communities can get additional resources and support to bolster housing opportunities and infrastructure statewide,” Evers said. “That’s a win-win-win for our families, our workforce, and our state’s economy.”

Paulsen, who researches housing policy, said zoning changes help municipalities develop more housing. 

“In order for a municipality to be housing ready, you need the zoning and planning in place,” Paulsen told WisPolitics.  

Paulsen said in his research, he’s noticed municipalities with outdated zoning laws, and that it takes time, planning and money for a municipality to develop new zoning laws and comprehensive plans. 

“Zoning is a barrier to building housing,” Paulsen said. 

He argued that changing zoning paves the way for more development. 

“Restrictive zoning stifles housing growth relative to demand,” Paulsen said. He added that relaxing zoning constraints helps developers find more available land. 

Novak said there’s no question about the need for affordable housing, but he doesn’t like the governor’s proposed solution. 

Novak argued municipalities already have “intense” zoning requirements. 

He also said the most significant barriers to changing zoning laws are neighbors and city residents who aren’t interested in bigger developments, not state regulations or lack of finances. 

And Novak argued a more significant barrier to more affordable housing, especially in rural areas, is incentivizing developers to invest in communities, given the cost to build. 

“The developer has to make some profit,” Novak said. 

Finding solutions 

Paulsen added he “hopes” the governor’s proposal would work. 

“If this process takes time and money, the state can provide those resources,” Paulsen said. 

Then, because the proposal is a pilot plan, the state can get feedback from municipalities and try different strategies. 

Novak has other ideas to address housing needs in municipalities. 

“I think you could do a grant of X amount of dollars max for the community to explore expanding new development and housing, and something like that,” Novak said. 

He said then the money could be used to bring in developers, get people to build more houses and expand the housing market. 

Novak said he’s open to ideas. He expects housing legislation will come up this session, and would like to take the $20 million the governor proposed to invest in different housing grants. Novak said he would like to have conversations with other legislators and the governor’s office to consider ideas. 

Brooks has also been exploring housing solutions. He said he doesn’t mind the governor’s proposal, if it can be adjusted to reward municipalities for adopting zoning changes, instead of giving them money for planning to do so. 

“We want to reward good behavior, not good intentions,” Brooks said. 

Last session, Evers signed a series of bipartisan bills creating loan programs under the Wisconsin Housing and Economic Development Authority. 

The housing bill package from last session allocated over $500 million to addressing housing needs. Brooks said he wouldn’t mind some of that money going to a zoning program similar to what Evers has proposed. 

However, Brooks would first like to get a bill through to expand the amount of money WHEDA could grant to developers and local municipalities for housing incentives. 

Housing efforts this session

Lawmakers from both parties have introduced a bill this session that would expand some of the programs. 

The bill would raise the limit on loans to developers under the Infrastructure Access Program from 20% to 33% of total project costs, and the loan to municipalities from 10% to 25%. 

For another loan program to improve workforce housing units, the bill would allow up to $50,000 in loans per dwelling unit or 33% of the total cost, whichever is lower. This is up from $20,000 or 25% of total project costs. 

SB 180 will be before the Senate Committee on Insurance, Housing, Rural Issues and Forestry next Thursday. 

Brooks said he’s optimistic this bill will “sail through,” because he’s seen support from both parties, as well as WHEDA, the Wisconsin Realtors Association and the League of Municipalities. 

After that, he’s open to discussing solutions to zoning and considering a pilot program. He wants to get input from communities and those who would be involved. Brooks said he doesn’t think the governor’s proposal has been fully vetted yet and would like to look into options for zoning changes. 

“Everybody’s interested in looking at that and realizes that if we’re going to ask communities to increase density, increase the need for fire and police and everything else that we need to somehow help them,” Brooks said. “And the governor’s pilot program is not far off from what we’ve been talking about.”

Goldstein says historic Supreme Court race spending helped drive record turnout

Pollster Ken Goldstein told a WisPolitics DC breakfast that the record $109 million spent in the state Supreme Court race was in part responsible for the record spring level turnout that topped 50% of the voting age population.

So he chided those who complain about high spending but laud high turnout.

“The truth is, you can’t have one without the other,” Goldstein said yesterday in DC.

The record $109 million was spent on Dane County judge and Justice-elect Susan Crawford and Waukesha County Judge Brad Schimel’s highly contested race for control of the state Supreme Court, according to a WisPolitics tally. 

“You see people saying two things: how awful it is that $100 million was spent in Wisconsin, and that’s a ridiculous amount of money for a court race,” Goldstein said. “And then you have people, ‘We are so proud that turnout was so high in the state of Wisconsin, and this is great, there’s participation.’ …. One of the main reasons why there was such high turnout is you had such high levels of campaign advertising.” 

Goldstein also noted the underlying factors behind Crawford’s win. He said back in 2000, Republicans were struggling in presidential elections while Dems were losing Supreme Court races. Since then, he said the dynamic has flipped. 

Goldstein said Republicans have a party identification advantage in Wisconsin, while Dems have a turnout advantage. 

“Democrats are more likely to be educated, and that’s a big factor, and people who are more educated are more likely to vote, and Democrats are more engaged with politics, and more engaged with politics on a daily level, and the out party is always angrier,” he said. 

Goldstein attributed Crawford’s win to enthusiasm and turnout. 

“There were Trump ‘24 voters who didn’t come out,” Goldstein said of the Supreme Court election. “But that margin was so high it couldn’t have just been that. In fact, I think if you do the math, if you take out Dane County, she still wins, which is an amazing thing to say in the state of Wisconsin.” 

Goldstein said Dems have “cracked the code” with Supreme Court candidates — and the “strong female with prosecutorial experience.” There’s only one man on the state Supreme Court – conservative Justice Brian Hagedorn. 

“She was a strong candidate, that was a solid win,” Goldstein said of Crawford. “Might not have been automatic if they would have nominated someone who was not as strong.” 

Goldstein also weighed in on President Donald Trump’s approval. A national Marquette University Law School poll of 1,021 adults from March 17-27 found Trump’s approval rating at 46%, while 54% disapproved of the job he’s doing. 

“So his job approval at the start was higher than it’s ever been,” Goldstein said. “It certainly ticked down, and this is absolutely consistent with two national polls that I just got out of field with. Trump definitely has a ceiling and definitely has a floor, both in the state of Wisconsin and nationally.”  

Goldstein said he thinks Trump doesn’t care as much about job approval as long as he maintains support from within his own party. 

Goldstein said the “civil war” within the Republican Party is over after Trump’s win. 

“There’s still going to be a civil war within the Democratic Party, and it’s going to happen over the next couple of years, and that’s going to have a big impact about how Democrats are going to be able to contest elections down the line,” Goldstein said.Listen to the audio.

Gauging tariff impacts ‘critical’ to state budget process, Fiscal Bureau director says

Legislative Fiscal Bureau Director Bob Lang tells WisPolitics’ “Capitol Chats” podcast that evaluating the impact of widespread tariffs on revenue estimates will be “critical” to the state budget process. 

Lang said Gov. Tony Evers has relied on LFB’s revenue estimates when crafting his budget proposal. This year and in all odd-numbered years, LFB reevaluates state revenue estimates in May after tax collections to determine if any adjustments need to be made. 

Lang noted economic uncertainties at the federal level as President Donald Trump levies tariffs on foreign goods, which the president says will ensure fairness in trade. Lang said LFB is waiting to hear more from economic forecasters about the potential impact on inflation and tax collections. 

“That will be something that will be critical for us, to make sure that we are evaluated correctly. And I think that that will be a large task that we face in the coming weeks,” Lang said. “And that will determine in large part how the [Joint Finance] committee proceeds through May and June as they try to put together their version of the budget.” 

Lang, a Menasha native, taught social studies for three years in Muskego after graduating from Beloit College. He was drafted into the Army in 1968 and served two years, including one in Vietnam. Then he earned his master’s at UW-Madison on the GI Bill while substitute teaching. 

He first started working for LFB in 1971, and has led the agency for 48 years since becoming director in 1977.

Lang said the budget process hasn’t changed significantly over the years, although some budgets have been more difficult than others, primarily due to economic factors. He noted budgets during the Great Recession in 2007 and the COVID-19 pandemic as examples. 

Lang also spoke to the importance of remaining nonpartisan at LFB. 

“It’s fundamental to our credibility, and so we’ve just been able to maintain that role,” Lang said. “And the other thing that I really appreciate is the leaders of the Legislature, again, regardless of party, have really insisted on our being nonpartisan. They expect that, and they certainly have a right to, and we really adhere to it.” 

Listen to the full “Capitol Chats” episode here. 

Political TV

(Check local listings for times in your area)

“UpFront” is a statewide commercial TV news magazine show airing Sundays around the state. This week’s show, hosted by GERRON JORDAN and MATT SMITH, features outgoing state Dem Party Chair BEN WIKLER, Metropolitan Milwaukee Association of Commerce President DALE KOOYENGA, state Sen. PATRICK TESTIN, R-Stevens Point, and DCCC Chair and U.S. Rep. SUZAN DELBENE, D-Wash.
*See more about the program here.
*Also see a recap of the show online each Monday at WisPolitics.

“Rewind,” a weekly show from WisconsinEye and WisPolitics, airs at 8 p.m. on Fridays and 10 a.m. on Sundays in addition to being available online. On this week’s episode, WisPolitics’ JR ROSS and CBS 58’s EMILEE FANNON discuss a deal to settle a complaint against MICHAEL GABLEMAN related to his 2020 election review, a Dem bill that would make it illegal to offer payment for signing a petition during an election, a new GOP transmission line and energy bill, President DONALD TRUMP’s tariffs and more.
*Watch the show here.

This week’s episode of WisPolitics’ “Capitol Chats” features longtime Legislative Fiscal Bureau Director BOB LANG on the bureau’s role in the budget process. Lang also says accurately evaluating the impact of tariffs on revenue estimates will be “critical.”
*Listen to the podcast here. 

“The Insiders” is a weekly WisOpinion.com web show featuring former Democratic Senate Majority Leader CHUCK CHVALA and former Republican Assembly Speaker SCOTT JENSEN. This week, Chvala and Jensen consider the effect of the recent Supreme Court election on Wisconsin elections in 2026.
*Watch the video or listen to the show here. 

“In Focus: Wisconsin” airs Sundays at 9:30 a.m. on Spectrum News 1 on channel 1. This week’s program with host RYAN BURK features discussions on tariffs and their impact on Wisconsin farmers. Guests will include U.S. Rep. MARK POCAN, D-Town of Vermont, Wisconsin Farm Bureau Director of National Affairs TYLER WENZLAFF and UW-Madison Agricultural and Life Sciences Assistant Prof. JEFF HADACHEK. 

PBS Wisconsin’s “Here and Now” airs at 7:30 p.m. Fridays. This week’s program with anchor FREDERICA FREYBERG features immigration attorney AMANDA GENNERMAN on the federal government revoking international student visas, ABC for Health Executive Director BOBBY PETERSON on concerns about Congress cutting Medicaid, and former United Nations Ambassador LINDA THOMAS-GREENFIELD on international diplomacy and its intersection with domestic politics. 

“For the Record” airs Sundays at 10:30 a.m. on Madison’s WISC-TV. This week’s program with host WILL KENNEALLY features state Dem Party Chair BEN WIKLER on his decision not to seek reelection, Forward Latino President DARRYL MORIN on recent ICE detentions in Milwaukee and Dodgeville Mayor BARRY HOTTMANN on the need for local funding in the state budget. 

Week Ahead

Monday: The Wisconsin Department of Veterans Affairs, with the Wisconsin Veterans Museum and the Wisconsin Historical Society, hosts a Two Lights for Tomorrow Ceremony, honoring the events that sparked the American Revolution 250 years ago.
– 12 p.m.: state Capitol

Tuesday: The Senate Committee on Natural Resources, Veteran and Military Affairs holds a public hearing on a bill related to permit fees for improvements of residences of disabled veterans and two nominations.
– 11 a.m.:: 411 South, state Capitol 

Thursday: The Wisconsin Elections Commission meets.
– 10 a.m.: Agenda TBA. 

Thursday: The Senate Committee on Housing, Rural Issues and Forestry holds a public hearing on several bills related to service insurance corporations, real estate, housing programs and county forest administration.
– 10 a.m.: 201 Southeast, state Capitol

Thursday: The Assembly Committee on Colleges and Universities holds an informational hearing with testimony from university and college system presidents.
– 1 p.m.: 225 Northwest, state Capitol

Names in the News

Register for the April 30 Wisconsin Economic Forecast Luncheon hosted by WisPolitics, WisBusiness and the Wisconsin Bankers Association at the Alliant Energy Center in Madison. The event will feature Forward Analytics Director of Research & Analytics DALE KNAPP and US Bank economist ANDREA SORENSEN. Register here. 

Farm Foundation has honored former GOP political operative and writer BRIAN REISINGER with a 2025 “Book of the Year Award” for his book, “Land Rich, Cash Poor: My Family’s Hope and the Untold History of the Disappearing American Farmer.” 

Visit a new exhibit at the Sun Prairie Historical Library & Museum, “Immigrants to Ambassadors: 200 Years of Norwegian Immigration,” to learn more about Norwegian immigrants to the United States and Sun Prairie resident TOM LOFTUS. Loftus served as U.S. Ambassador to Norway and was also speaker of the state Assembly. The exhibit is free and open until Sept. 6. 

Israeli activist MAGEN INON and Palestinian activist AZIZ ABU SARAH will speak at a Wisconsin Institute for Public Policy and Service event at the Mauthe Center in Green Bay. The two have worked together to promote peace after losing family members. Inon’s parents were killed in the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas attack on Israel, and Abu Sarah’s brother died after being beaten while in Israeli custody on suspicion of throwing stones.

Lobbyist Watch

Thirty-seven changes were made to the lobbying registry in the past 10 days.

Follow this link for the complete list.